TABLE-TOP: Battlefield Planning

I have been absent for some time now from both home and this blog, but not entirely idle - I have been thinking and purchasing. It had long been my intention to commence building my terrain for this project once I had reached the half way mark on building the Rebel army, which I have now done. This was essentially to ensure a complete match between my table-top battlefield and my figures' bases. Whilst not able to commence construction for a further two months, I nevertheless require consideration of what my table top should look like.

DEBATE

Yes, you guessed it - opinion remains divided on the issue of where the respective armies both formed for battle and thus where the battle took place specifically on the Lewes Downs. As used to be the case with Bosworth field, until such time as a full archaeological survey is undertaken we have two preferred sites remaining to chose from in Lewes. Without getting drawn into this ongoing and academically speculative debate, it must suffice for this posting to say that I prefer the 'traditional' site supported by English Heritage - both of which are shown to good effect on the attached Battlefields Trust map (2004).

TABLE-TOP SECTION

Happily for me, the specific area I wish to recreate encompasses both options and will be able to accommodate scenarios from both hypotheses. Now I'm no master at graphics applications in cyber-world but I do have a steady enough hand and eye. Attached is my detailed section taken from the Battlefields Trust map from which I have expanded a 3x hand drawn map which will serve as my planning template if you will.

MY TEMPLATE

This map represents a 6' wide (c.1800mm) by 9' long (c.2,700mm) table top which will represent a 1.5 kilometers by 2.25 kilometres area of the battlefield. As you can see from the sketch, it will encompass buildings from the outskirts of Lewes town and I have nominated placement of the windmill within which Richard of Cornwall took refuge.

The placement of the windmill is also open to speculative debate. I have chosen it's location based upon it being at the site of what is today the bricked up reservoir. If I have read my copy correctly, this is indicated on the 'contemporary' battle map English Heritage has generated (the square structure at the alternative dispositions of the right wing of the Rebel reserve ward).

The placement of the windmill makes more sense to me at this location more so because of my preference for the traditional English Heritage dispositions on the day; the windmill being located to the rear of the Royalist right wing and a logical place for Richard to have fallen back to in retreat. Because it is on the lower slopes of the Downs, I have included a second 'tributary' track off the Ogilby road following the gentler slope - allowing for ox carts and the like to traffic grain from the mill.

I have retained the Ogilby road as these routes were often ancient byways and it makes perfect sense that it was in use at the time of the battle and may even have been used by Prince Henry to advance the Royalist horse more swiftly and forward of the rest of the army.

The marshland to the right of the map represents the flood line of the river Ouse which lies just off the right of my table-top. Should a retreat and pursuit come into play in any of my re-fights, the hard going afforded by this feature will in itself provide similar results to any army being driven into the water - especially as is provided for by the Warhammer Ancient Battles rule set.

The terrain will be of foam construction based on 5mm ply sheet in 3'x3' squares (six in total). I have not yet determined upon the thickness of the foam sheets. Each contour represents 50' which, at a strictly representative scale would require sheets in the vicinity of 220mm thick. This would make for a dramatic and expensive piece of scenery. Instead, I am intending to make it more representative (and cheaper) and will most probably opt for sheets 50mm thick. This will be more in keeping with the scenic view of the Downs - it doesn't look nearly so steep until you march up those top slopes.

To grade the jump in contours between my foam sheets I will be applying compressed foam and simply sculpting it by hand (with gloves naturally).

My Rebel army frontage (three wards) should take up about 3' with the fourth 'Reserve' ward behind or even concealed off table. This should provide any re-fight with traditional dispositions with enough wiggle room (1.5' feet either side) for divergent approaches and outcomes. One thing is for certain and that's any scenarios I develop will need to take into account the affect terrain has upon manoeuvre with advantages for elevation.

REFERENCE

All maps save for my hand drawn template were obtained from the invaluable on-line source on the Lewes Battlefield, provided by The Battlefields Trust. There is a wealth of visual and historical information located on that site and can be found by clicking on the following link to their Resource Centre:

http://www.battlefieldstrust.com/resource-centre/medieval/battleview.asp?BattleFieldId=22

Peasant Soldiery: Discourse

It's been some time since I progressed this blog and my project for that matter. I have not been completely idle; however, having purchased a goodly quantity of synthetic teddy-bear fur and sourced polystyrene for the terrain. More on the table-top plans soon. What I did want to briefly discuss was the concept and notions surrounding peasant soldiery and their makeup within the Montfortian army at Lewes.

PRE-CONCEPTIONS

In spite of much work having been done in the last two generations within academia to rectify enduring misconceptions, peasantry are largely regarding today as being wholly constituted of a downtrodden serfs, wallowing in agrarian poverty, bounded by hopeless illiteracy and living in an ignorance barely one level above the beasts in their charge. If you were to conduct random interviews with people in the high street, the lingering notions of rag-clad unfortunates, less capable and clever than ourselves would be the consistent theme.

Even in wargames research, we sometimes translated an idea of peasants as an ill-equipped, slave like rabble into the army lists. By way of example, the Armies of Chivalry (WAB) lists provide for 'rebellious peasants' for the English Wars of the Roses. Whilst admittedly a later period, they are nevertheless armed with improvised weapons, unarmoured and have very low morale or leadership characteristics. This is by no means a universal trap, but it nevertheless lingers.

WHAT IS A PEASANT?

Well, definitions abound and there are plenty to be found on-line. Some are determined to ascribe them to a class of poor agricultural worker in a subsistence economy. Whilst the precarious state of the medieval agricultural economy is beyond dispute, there were plenty of good harvests and times of plenty enabling the elevation in wealth and status of motivated peasants with sufficient acumen. Divided into Villeins (or tenant farmers) who were tied to the land, owing labour or rents to their manorial lord and Freemen who, whilst owing duties to the crown and community, farmed without the Villein's manorial obligations. It can be argued that Freemen are a separate class altogether (1).

Most commonly to be found populating villages, the peasants could be quite well off, having expanded their holdings and trading well at market off their own labours after a lucky harvest or even the sweat of their own laborers. In short, the peasants are an entire class - the rural working class (in modern industrial parlance) with a considerable spread of income and life style from poor to wealthy.  Smallholders with a few acres at the bottom and those with considerable acreages as well as office holders (such as Reeve, Baliff or Steward) at the top.

TO ARMS

The Assize of Arms compelled all men of the realm, high and low, to take the field in military service without distinction of class. The Assize was strictly in accordance with a man's wealth and included the peasantry as the majority of the population. In effect, the peasantry of England was an armed one, so we can dispense with notions of rag shirts and pitch forks from the get-go. Weaponry and self defence in the form of shield and gambeson were the orders of the day and in many instances it would be difficult to discern between the assemblies of the country from those of the town.

POLITICAL

At times, the records abound with examples of when the peasantry collectively took the law into their own hands, driving off sheriffs or ballifs when they felt their rights trodden on. Even the poorest men and women of England had rights as well as obligations and they were not beyond defending them.

In the BBC TV documentary series Story of England by Michael Woods, some time is devoted to the Monfortian rebellion in the second part to that series; Doomsday to Magna Carta. This is a programme which examines English history through the town of Kibworth in Leicestershire. When speaking of Lewes, Woods makes much of the peasant soldiers part and the almost revolutionary fervor which likely took hold of many upon victory that day.

One of his eminent guests is Professor David Carpenter who discusses the reforms of Montfortian rule which followed and those which directly benefited the condition of the peasantry. He also speaks about the radicalisation of Leicestershire:

"The peasants themselves believe passionately in these kinds of reforms. I think particularly this area of Leicestershire, South Leicestershire is very radicalised politically and very informed - the peasants know what's going on."

Wood goes on in describing how the rebellion spilled into other aspects of county life. In an incident involving pilgrims from Kibworth to Bardon, one John Waddard (sp?) is cited a leading peasant who was later recorded as having been a part of Monfort's army some time before Evesham. It is clear that Montort relied on the armed peasantry from the counties including Leicestershire.

Professor Carperter adds:

"One of the things which has really emerged I think from recent work on this whole period is the way peasants were radicalised and took part in the actual fighting. They both took part in raid and counter raid, in the bands of Montfortians burning villages in surrounding areas. But they also fought in the great battles ... we may think probably of contingents, peasant contingents from Kibworth physically on the fighting side."

MORALE

... or Leadership in WAB terminology for peasants need not be any less than any other body of foot. On the contrary, it seems that if the common men of England were motivated sufficiently to take up arms in a cause for which they must have strongly identified - to rebel against the injustices of the Kings administration - then I rather feel their morale would be higher or at least as high as any armed retinue. I will be revisiting my army list with a view to increasing the base Leadership rating of my rebel county infantry unit by +1.


(1) David carpenter: The Struggle for Mastery (The Penguin History of Britain 1066-1284) 2003.

Rebel Army: Half Way

This would have to be the first gratuitous posting for the Project Lewes blog but probably not the last. I am celebrating the fact that the first two wards of four for the Montfortian army at Lewes has been completed (bar the base texturing).

This is also a tester for the frontage of the table top. Whilst I will be designing and building specific scenery for Lewes, I need to see what the board size needs to be. The layout here is fairly representative of how the army will array itself - at least for infantry frontage - and I clearly need to allow for at least half as much width again to accommodate the central ward (the left and right being those in shot and built thus far).

Whilst I believe Simon de Montfort kept his fourth ward as reserve and out of sight to the rear, I will nevertheless build the battlefield to allow manoeuvre - something not often done in wargaming from my observation. As an aside, I have long felt that table-tops should accommodate at least a third as much area as the miniatures armies take up when deployed. Anyway, the two wards you see take up frontage of two 2' foot tiles (or 120cm or 1200 mm in 21st century language) or 4'. Allowing for the third ward frontage, I am aiming at this stage for a table top allowing 8-10' or 3.2 metres. I'll say more of this on the terrain planning stage and accompanying postings.

On a further note, I have to admit to this project gaining much of it's impetus from you, the followers. Let me say a sincere thanks to everyone who publicly follows this blog, to those who have commented so generously and for those of you who regularly pop-in for a 'gander'. My last statistic returned me almost 4000 hits which I consider quite remarkable given that this project is quite specific, fitting an in-depth look at a niche wargaming period. Thanks again. Given the following, I feel compelled to keep the postings and the production line rolling which I find essential - it being so easy to give up half way through, having bitten off more than I can chew which I have done so many times in the past.

It's also interesting to see what I have built so far. As soon as my units are complete, I store them away in a drawer and to date, I have never laid them out altogether. Normally, of course, this would be a normal, healthy sized Warhammer Ancient Battles army in its own right, but Matt and I are going for something quite different this time. Imagine, twice the number of figures for the Rebel army facing another army a third as large again. We are still at least a year off completion I would guess.

Oh and for the statistically driven; you are looking at two casualty markers (cavalry), two earls with sergeant escourts, 24 archers, 20 knights/sergeants and 130 infantry.

Rebel Left Ward Knights: Modelling

Well, I finally finished painting the ten knights and sergeants comprising my Left Ward cavalry for the Rebel army at Lewes. I will not repeat what i have previously posted as each knight within the unit has his own posting on this blog. This unit has what I regard as two sergeants and a squire (trumpeter) - the two former in the service of Rober de Vere, Earl of Oxford and the latter, a squire of the de Montfort family. As with my other units, I have not completed the bases until I have built the scenery making for the filed at Lewes. Only then, when my colours and textures are complete, will I match my bases to the terrain.


This essentially marks the half way point for my baronial army in the command of Simon de Montfort. For those who follow this blog, I have taken considerable pains to research each and every knight and as usual, hand painted the lot. I can certainly appreciate why this particular period is not more popular than it is in wargaming - the blazons and caparisons can take a hellishly long time. My next post will be an assembly of the army thus far.


I am not going to take abreak from Lewes for a while and switch to another project or two and my other related blog. I have also begun turning my mind to the windmill on the field of battle and noticed that Gripping Beast appear to have re-sculpted their horses so I may look to Simon de Montfort himself and his bodyguard cavalry for my Rebel Reserve Ward.

Ankerus de Freschville: Research & Modelling

Azure, a bend between six escallops, argent

Ankerus de Freshevill aka Auker de Freschville aka Aucher, Ankere.



The Freschvilles, like so many baronial families, came to England with William of Normandy in 1066 and by 1200 through marital connections had inherited and established their power base in Stavely, Derbyshire. Of Stavely Manor, Ankerus de Freschville (son of Ralf) was of age when he succeeded to the family estates in February 1261 but we do not know the date of his birth. If of age, then he was at least 21 years so cannot have been born later than 1240.


Ankerus appears to have married twice, firstly to a Joanna (who presumably died) and then married Amice Musard (daughter of Robert) who was a local lady, bringing with her additional, adjacent manors in dowry. Ankerus had significant holdings (Stavely, Woodthorpe, Whitwell, Crich, Bunny and Scarcliff) and with Amice he fathered a son and heir, Ralph (born not before 1265) who was to inherit but does not appear to have been of age at his father’s death – being a ward of Richard de Grey in 1275.


The date of Ankerus’ death is in some dispute. The Colectanea Topographica has it at 1268, other open source genealogical sites have it before the end of 1266 and others in 1270. Richard’s Bygone (An early history of Palterton) has reference of Ankerus making payments under writ for his lands on 12 January 1269 at the Scarsdale wapentake court – so it appears that he died between 1269 and 1275.

He is recorded as having been with the rebels and present at the fall of Northampton where he was and captured and his lands forfeit - possibly placed in the keeping of Brian de Brompton. Under the later ‘Dictum of Kenilworth’ they were returned in accordance with the ‘Dictum of Kenilworth’. The subsequent fines imposed upon the rebel Ankerus must have been significant as we are told that the penalty (calculated at up to five times the value of his estates) was still not paid for by the time of his father’s death. As a result it appears that some of these manors had passed to others – the son paying for the sins of his father.


Ankerus is also placed by some at Chester with the ‘Disinherited’ (May 1266) which would be consistent with his apparent heavy fines, calculated against the level of involvement in the rebellion. Therefore, I surmise that like so many others, he broke parole after Northampton, joined with the Montfortians at Lewes and continued with the ‘Disinherited’ rebellion until at least their defeat at Chesterfield.

Ankerus de Freschville was survived by his heir Ralph and wife Amice.

Modelling: My Ankerus de Freschville is another Mirliton miniature thirteenth century knight. In this case I have gone with a plain surcoat but given him a white cross baronial field sign on the left breast. I have given him a heraldic caparison and I have also altered the figure slightly, giving him a fan crest for his great helm. At this time, he is the most flamboyant of my knights with his crest as I wanted to try something different. I mean, there's always 'one' in every crowd isn't there? The fan is made from green stiff, glued (Araldite) into a grove I filed in the top of the helm. The helmet came with a sculpted crest which I cut away and filed back - thinking it too continental or even Germanic for my 'English' knight. He is based alongside a sergeant with my version of a de Vere livery shield as I have him with my Left Ward knights under the overall command of Robert de Vere.


References:


Richard’s Bygone Times website: An early history of Palterton (1002 to 1700)


Collectanea Topographica et Geneologica (Vols 4) London 1837 (see Google books)

John de Bracebridge: Research & Heraldy

Or a cross azure

John de Bracebridge was born 1232, Kingsbury, Warwickshire and came into his inheritance (Kingsbury Manor) in July 1252 (aged 20). He deferred his knighthood; however, in 1256 for three years through the payment of fines (2 marks in gold) to the crown. It should be noted that this was in all probability a purely economic expedient for Bracebridge to avoid the knight’s fee and associated costs. It would appear that John was not the wealthiest of landholders.

English & Wales country map: Warwickshire

He took up arms with the Montfortians in 1263/4 (48th year of Henry’s reign) and was at the siege of Northampton with Simon de Montfort (the younger) at its fall. As a direct result, John is recorded as having been confined at Shrewsbury, imprisoned there by Hugh de Tuberville for ransom. He secured his release (either from entering into some recognizance, parole or payment of ransom) but from this point the record is both sketchy and inconsistent. We do not know when or under what conditions John was released.

John Burke has him next with the younger Simon de Montfort at the Isle of Axholme, Linconshire where the ‘Disinherited’ barons (following the fall of Kenilworth, December 1266) were to hold out against Prince Edward. The so called Isle of Axholme was a cluster of communities on raised land among fens and tidal marshes, difficult to assault - similar to the Isle of Ely which the remaining ‘Disinherited’ similarly and unsuccessfully defended the following year. That makes for a two year gap in the Bracebridge record.


Peter Coss (Lordship, Knighthood and Locality, 1991) refers to it having been said that Bracebridge, “bore no arms against the King since Northampton nor aided the rebel cause” (p287). We are not told; however, where, when, by whom or in what circumstances this statement was allegedly made. Following Bourke, Coss accepts John Bracebridges’ adherence to Simon de Montfort the younger and his presence at Axholme; however, he also looks to the level of fines we presume Bracebridge owed the crown which was to financially ruin him, as we shall see later.

The final fines for rebelling against the King were essentially fixed through the ‘Dictum of Kenilworth’ in 1266. Initially set at a ten times the value of a baron’s estate, this calculation was moderated to five times, or even less depending upon the degree of involvement of the subject knight. If Bracebridge was only involved at Northampton (as repeated in our tertiary sources) then the fines prior to the siege at Axholme should have been minimal – even as low as two years value or even one if he could prove he was ‘compelled’ to fight. The Dictum had been publicly declared and at a time where the baronial cause could not have looked more desperate. So then, why would Braebridge have pitched in with an obviously lost cause when it could only have made his situation worse?

If this knight’s neutrality after Northampton was declared at all, I doubt its veracity and suspect it a claim to mollify his later judges. Rather, I believe that that John de Bracebridge never quit the younger Simon de Montfort’s side, most likely obtaining his release shortly after Northampton and taking to the field at Lewes with those who similarly broke faith with the terms of release. I further surmise that he stuck with young Simon’s army, missing Evesham and surviving to Axholme where he finally surrendered.

Through his fines (and who knows, perhaps even a ransom) John appears to have been impoverished and lost physical control of his estates due to his inability to sustain payments. He resorted to leasing almost his entire holdings to Robert de Tybetot; by March 1269 Tybetot had gained the right of ‘free warren’ (unlimited hunting rights) of Kingsbury and by November life long demesne of it. Whilst he was never a wealthy knight (evidenced by his deferment of knighthood) these financial difficulties went on for eight years which suggests John de Bracebridge bore more than just a year or twos worth of fines. I think he was fined heavily because he was committed heavily to the baronial cause.

John de Bracebridge did not recover himself financially for the rest of his days, ending for him in 1274 in Kingsbury (aged 42), succeeded by his son, John de Bracebridge.

Modelling: My John de Bracebridge is a Mirliton figure straight of their production line. I have given him yet another very plain cloth surcoat in an attempt to reflect his relatively humble means and I have given him the white cross field sign, sewn front and back to mark him as a Montfortian rebel. I have given him a heraldic caparison with a simple repetition pattern of his azure cross in small. The colour of the cloth is hopefully recognisably muted compared to the pigment on the shield.


Selected References:

LF Salzman, The Victoria History of the County of Warwick

John Burke, Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Commoners of Great Britain and Ireland (Vol 1)
 Sir William Dugdale, History of Embanking and Draining (1662)


Peter Coss, Lordship, Knighthood and Locality: A study in English Society 1180-1280 (1991)

'Parishes: Kingsbury', A History of the County of Warwick: Volume 4: Hemlingford Hundred (1947)


Open source: Geneology freepages

I'd also like to recognise Genuki whose county map is featured in this posting.

William de Goldingham: Research & Modelling

Ermine, three bars wavy, gules

William de Goldingham was a knight of Essex (holding Chigwell Manor and seisin (freehold) of Burebache Wood) and may have come into the possession of family estates at Goldingham Hall (a manor in Bulmer parish, Yorkshire) and Ryshton, Yorkshire which was held earlier by Hugh de Goldingham. Nevertheless, the chief estate for the Goldinghams was Chigwell, formerly of William Brito and believed to have come into their possession as tenancy in demesne (or ownership) some time after 1254. The manor of Grange, which gave its name to Grange Hill, was originally part of Chigwell Hall and altogether the estates must have comprised significant land holdings and income as William de Goldingham and Aline (his wife) confirmed to Robert, Abbot of Tilty, gifts to the abbey of 3 messuages (house and land) and 234½ acres of land in Chigwell in 1258. Having said that, he is generally judged a knight of average means.

The Goldingham family lineage through open sources is sketchy but we know that William de Goldingham was born in Chigwell in 1236 and that he married at age 21 to the 16 year old Alina (or Aline) le Breton on Jul 1257 at Chigwell. Alina was of Essex also, born 1241 in Layer Breton and is recorded as being the daughter of William Brito. Given the timing it may well be supposed that the demesne of Chigwell came as dowry. In any event, four years on and the young couple had a son, John de Goldinham who went on to inherit – dying himself in 1315.

A good number of Essex knights and their followers took up arms with the Montfortian rebel barons, William de Goldingham amongst them. Whether he was at Lewes or not I cannot say for certain. It appears that he survived the war but was not pardoned ‘of his trespasses’ until 28 June 1267. This timing strongly suggests that William was with the ‘Disinherited’ and amongst the garrison at the Isle of Ely which capitulated 1 June 1267. Had he previously given over to the King, I suggest he would have been captured within the ‘Dictum of Kenilworth’ when that siege had ended in December 1266. Given that previous to the outbreak of open hostilities, the record indicates stability or even accumulation of property within the Goldingham estates, his subsequent rebellion is the most likely cause for any subsequent forfeit to the crown; the most probable reason for falling in with the last, desperate revolt with the ‘Disinherited’.

So, when would a knight like Goldingham have been most likely to join with the rebellion? Given that we know that the period following Simon de Montfort’s victory as Lewes in fact saw a decline in support rather than the increase one might otherwise have expected, it seems just as likely therefore, that William was with the army from before Lewes. Furthermore, even if present at the fall of Northampton, he would have been just as likely to have broken his parole with the others and took the field at Lewes. Given the events at Evesham and the fact that Goldingham’s recorded activity would seem to post date that battle, I can be less bold in placing him there with confidence.


All Saints, Rushton


So, if you agree with my interpretation of the evidence at hand, we have William de Goldingham at Lewes at the age of 28. Other than the record of his ongoing rebellion and pardon by 1267, the only record known to me is that of his death in 1296, aged 60. Thanks to the quirk of time and fate; however, this otherwise ‘humble’ rebel remains known to countless church goers,or at least seen by them. William de Goldingham’s effigy in purpeck marble survives to this day in All Saints Church, Rushton in Northamptonshire.

Modelling: My William de Goldingham is with the knights of my cavalry for the Left Ward and is an old Essex Miniatures model (ironically) with a Gripping Beast shield. Those of you familiar with this figure may recall it comes with an integral triangular shield (an under sized one in my view) which I had to cut away. Once more I opted for a non-heraldic surcoat and in this case, a rather plain black one befitting his modest social status. His horses caparison; however, was another matter and I have come up with a speculative design based upon his arms. The image here is the unfinished model (for the finished item see the future posting on the Knights of the Left Ward: Modelling). It was taken just prior to the matt spray coat I give all my models before finishing off with the shiny metal details – Humbrol Aluminium for the maille and steel, with a dry brush of silver to highlight.



William de Goldingham, All Saints, Rushton

Selected bibliography:

'Chigwell: Manors', A History of the County of Essex: Volume 4: Ongar Hundred (1956)

W. A. Copinger: Manors of Suffolk